Against the Lutherans who argue that baptism is a once-for-all action, Spener taught that it is true that you can only be baptized once, but baptism needs to be seen as God making a covenant, grace from his side and faith and a good conscience on the human side, and for the covenant to last "it must remain in constant use throughout your whole life." Baptism is more than wiping the ledger; it is God's power to regenerate. "Nor do I know how to praise Baptism and its power enough," and, "I believe that it is the real washing of regeneration and renewal in the Holy Spirit' (Titus 3:5), "as Luther says in the Catechism, 'it effects forgiveness of sins, delivers from death and the devil and grants (not merely promises) 'eternal salvation.'" Spener believed that baptism gave infants regeneration, but this was lost except in rare cases, hence it was necessary to receive regeneration through conversion. Both Spener and Arndt point out that opus operatum was a dangerous error, leading many to damnation because they think that all Christianity requires of them is to be baptized, go to worship services, listen to sermons, confess sins, receive absolution, sing a few hymns and take the wine and wafer "no matter how their hearts are disposed." What is necessary is to be born again, receiving "a capacity for the Holy Spirit and hence for true faith." In essence, the Holy Spirit empowers the believer to truly believe, and Spener emphasized Luther's warning in the Preface to Romans that belief may not exist because there are two kinds of faith, one that is based on reason and is no more than an opinion but the one necessary is divine.
The danger of opus operatum is if one thinks all they need is the intellectual understanding of faith, one will not yearn for a living, operative faith. This is the essence of Spener's diagnosis of his culture: so few have faith because Christianity is not internalized because of the denial of the validity and importance of the experiential. Luther taught the need of a living faith, but he also warned against 'enthusiasm,' and the latter combined with scholastic orthodoxy gave the impression the faith Luther spoke of was intellectual, but can there be any question what kind of faith Luther meant in his commentary on Galatians in reference to the resurrection of Christ, "To the extent that you believe this, to that extent you have it."
Rather than emphasizing a legal drama ending with the accused going free, justification was taught as a step in a process which lead to a reformed way of life if one had true faith. Many clergy and theologians took exception at the division between the two categories. Spener pointed out this division in the writings of Luther, the Confessions, and Scripture in Pia Desideria, and asked his colleagues if it was not time to apply these principles. Spener wrote that the conditions of their day, unbelief and the immoral behavior that resulted from it, demanded a cure of the evils. His proposals were principally a turn toward Scripture, a turn away from doctrinal argumentation in the pulpit toward Scripture-centered proclamation augmented with weekly gatherings to study the Bible.
Of Spener's interpretation of Luther, W. R. Ward said,
"Luther was no Orthodox collection of proof texts, but a practitioner of living faith and formation. Thus, Spener's doctrine of justification was Lutheran but not quite Luther's; and his systematic development of Luther's hints on the priesthood of all believers was something not found in Luther or Lutheran orthodoxy. He did not create a theological school, but created the basis on which the next generation of Pietists could do so."
Spener's emphasis on justification can be summed up as "justifying faith," as part of the process of regeneration leading to more emphasis on how the born-again life is lived. Justification did not lose its importance as a foundation of an evangelical doctrine, but besides a greater emphasis placed upon regeneration, justification tends to fall into the background being part of an order of salvation begun by Word and Spirit in which one is called, led into conversion through a deep remorse and repentance, followed by justification by grace through faith with the heart, mind, will and intellect being illuminated, being converted in a way that one is reborn, a new creature with a new mind, new will and a new way of life. Spener's theological contribution to the piety movement is that the believer's Christ-likeness becomes the characterization of the Christian life, not one's need for grace. How he and his followers lived it out is examined below.
August Herman Francke
A younger colleague of Spener, it has been said that as Luther had his Melanchthon, Spener had his Francke, but this is hardly fair as Francke stands in no one's shadow. Underappreciated by Lutherans for decades, perhaps puzzled by one of their theologians having a datable conversion, or perhaps because his writings sound moralistic to contemporary ears, still it is passing strange that the one Lutheran who did the most to advance education, missions, renewal and revival, a man who even influenced kings, and the only book-length biography in English since 1867, God's Glory, Neighbor's Good, was written by a Methodist scholar.
In 1689, Francke had several weeks to prepare a sermon on John 20:31, and wrote in his Autobiography, "With this particular text I had the opportunity to discuss true living faith, and how this faith was distinguished from a mere human and imaginary foolish faith." Francke began to question if he had within himself that which he would want to urge in the sermon. He struggled for weeks, finally fell to his knees and asked God to come and take care of the matter "As quick as turning over one's hand," God accomplished this, giving Francke an overpowering experience of peace and overwhelming stream of joy.
It is simple to appreciate the significance of Luther's words in his Preface to Romans on Francke's frame of mind before conversion, "Faith is not the human notion and dream that some people call faith, a human figment and idea that never reaches the depths of the heart [but] a divine work in us which changes us and makes us to be born anew of God," and Spener's use of Luther in Pia Desideria, "What they take to be faith is by no means that true faith which is awakened through the Word of God, by the illumination, witness and sealing of the Holy Spirit, but is a human fancy." Spener himself taught that conversion and regeneration by the Holy Spirit was necessary but never spoke of his own conversion, and wrote in 1690, "It is enough for me to feel the wind blowing powerfully even though the first blast was not observed by me." Spener takes pains to point out that one cannot copy another's conversion experience, or discern the state of theirs in comparison to writing, "I consider the description of the conversion of one or another person according to all the particulars to be useful, but the misuse of the same can also be harmful." Francke went to stay with Spener after his conversion, and in a letter to a colleague, Spener called Francke a totus pietatis. Considering the influence Franck was to have, one wonders if there was any significance to a scholar experiencing the new birth which he had studied and for which he yearned.
Sometime in the first decade of the eighteenth century Francke wrote Scriptural and Basic Introduction to True Christianity, a ten-page work consisting of twelve points which gives in brief how he understood the work of the Holy Spirit in justification. It begins in a way which makes few friends in Lutheran circles today, "Not everyone who calls himself a Christian is a Christian." Why? One is made a Christian if one is being influenced by Christ and "believes in his name from the heart, imitates him, and is gifted and anointed to that end with his Spirit, and to follow him faithfully and steadfastly". It is paramount to know one's sin, and by this, not just the "coarse sins" such as promiscuity, drunkenness, theft, "which even the heathen can avoid," but more importantly, the sin of unbelief. One must ask God to test the heart and reveal where wisdom, righteousness, and holiness are lacking. God then shows that one is utterly unable to do good, and is actually inclined to wickedness. The failure to rely on God is the root of all sin, inner and outward.
Following the section on repentance, Francke treats justification. One must not remain stuck in remorse but rather flee to the cross in faith, humility and confidence that through the blood one may gain grace, forgiveness and eternal, reconciliation, justification and eternal redemption. As Francke quotes, "We are justified without merit," from Romans 3:24-25, it is certain that he is setting forth his teaching on justification. Far from a strictly legal transaction, Francke's portrays justification as grounded in the blood of Jesus, attained by grace, but not through intellectual faith but a God-derived faith attained in a process begun in call or election, aided greatly by God granting the power to search one's soul, and the grace to see the need for redemption, to root out unbelief, and the grace to claim the blood. It is necessary that the believer be assured that this is the case.
"Now if the repentant sinner looks to Jesus in faith and avails himself of his holy merit, God grants him grace and, for Christ's sake the forgiveness of his sins and makes him righteous ? let the faithful not cease with petitions, pleas, seeking, knocking, until through the gracious working of the Holy Spirit he experiences such in his heart and is assured."
Francke teaches to let the believer "to give God all the glory," because it was the hidden, divine power of God "manifested through the Word, kindles faith" and one should "humbly plead" for the grace to know that "his faith not consist of human opinion" but rather "God's power" and that the believer does indeed have true salvation and possess a "true, living faith." Peace and "assurances and fruit of his grace" immediately follow justification. God "will pour out the blessed stream of love in abundance in his heart through the Holy Spirit," and the believer finds "he has received a quite different ‘mind' and has become a 'new creature' and no longer fixed on worldly things, looks toward heavenly things. Francke gives practical examples of the new life that the new person would find himself or herself in, for example, in one engaged in idle gossip he or she would experience "great unrest in the heart."
Francke used similar language as Luther's description of faith in the Preface to Romans, "And such a new mind and will is alive, powerful and active in him." Sections 8-12 describe the new life, described as a struggle in which one must keep fixed on God who will restore if stumbling occurs. New life is marked by a desire to daily attending to God's Word, going to worship "diligently out of sincere love of the truth" desiring fellowship with other Christians, giving God praise and thanks, "the Lord's Supper is dear to him," and "strengthened through untiring prayer," and "constant watchfulness over his heart" one "carries out his professional vocation joyfully and cheerfully to the glory of God and his neighbor's good." Francke stressed that justification and the ability to live the Christian life is activated by the power of the Holy Spirit each step of the way solely by grace, which is shown in his repeated admonishments to be humble and explanations how this all works through the power of the Holy Spirit.
In no way may he think he would or could contribute anything through himself and his own natural powers to make himself better, more pious, and holier in his subsequent walk, but rather here also he must give the glory to his Savior alone and know in faith that 'righteousness' as well as 'sanctification' is worked in him through God alone, in whom and through whose grace and Spirit the entire divine work of sanctification must be begun and continued through the end.
Francke taught that justification is part of the process which includes sanctification, and that this is an ongoing process to be marked "in fear and trembling."
On Christian Perfection was written in 1690, the year Francke was ordained. It begins, "We are justified only by faith in the Lord Jesus without merit or addition of work," and, "The justified person becomes completely and totally perfect." How is justification part of a process which includes sanctification, yet it grants perfection? Francke writes, "He who does not have this perfection cannot become holy." One may well begin to wonder if Francke just has a novel definition of justification, but what we have here gives us insight into a basic misunderstanding of how Pietists 'rightly divided' justification and sanctification, and why they moved beyond the dilemma between the Roman Catholic position and Luther.
"Perfection is nothing other than faith in the Lord Jesus and is not in us or ours but in Christ for whose sake we are considered perfect before God and thus his perfection is ours by ascription." The key is in the three little words, "is not ours." Ours by ascription means it is applied to us. Justification is not a possession, but an influence, as seen in the next point, while a justified person can be assured of "his blessedness," that is, his forgiveness of sins, reconciliation and the resulting state of peace of mind, it is not a satiated peace but one in which "he immediately discovers the weakness of flesh."
Original sin has not been eradicated, still spawns "all kinds of doubts and evil thoughts, at times evil inclinations of the will," and habit is not eradicated either. So how is one perfect? "Such remaining disorderly patterns and activities, however, are not reckoned to the justified man." It should be clear that the basis for this paradox is found in Scripture, Romans 8:1, as well as Luther and the Confessions, "There is no condemnation for those who are in Christ Jesus." To this Francke adds the Pietist emphasis of the new birth, "If the newborn Christian acknowledges such sins of the flesh, he strives with all earnestness against the evil which arises." Francke shows this comfort in paradox throughout his teaching After explaining why the new Christian still strives, and that this is not done through human ability but "the power of Jesus Christ which is made sanctification for him," this happens day by day, typified as growth from new born, child, youth "then finally a man," yet "he is never completely perfect but he can grow and increase in good works as long as he lives." On Christian Perfection has other examples of dialectic: "we are perfect and we are not perfect," perfect in Christ, yet not perfect in the sense that we still need to grow, shun evil, and continue to appropriate God's power in sanctification. Francke shows that he knew this dialectic is easily misunderstood and gave a warning to "distinguish well" between the article on justification and sanctification "otherwise he will be increasingly become entangled in controversy." Again, "a justified man has no sin" because Christ's perfection is ours by ascription. Sin clings to the believer but it is not reckoned to him for Christ's sake.
A common criticism of Pietism is 'other-worldliness,' but there is little basis for this in Francke. His message gave a theological basis for an active witness to the faith. This implications of the difference in the emphasis between Orthodoxy and Pietism, brings us to the remainder of the paper, an analysis of the implications of the teaching on justification by Arndt, Spener, and Franke for Pietism as a movement.
What Pietism Did
Johann Arndt wrote a book which did indeed affect the piety of pastors, theologians, nobles, and the laity. The timing of the book had much to do with its popularity as it gave people means to understand the suffering to be endured during the Thirty Years War and its aftermath. Arndt was "substantially taken on board by Lutheran Orthodoxy and used to modify its inheritance from Melanchthon."
The Duke of Saxe-Gotha, Ernst the Pious, was an important early figure in Pietism and an example of someone whose faith spurred him on to make some notable changes to the betterment of his subjects, and in 1636 asked Strasbourg theologians to give a comprehensive plan for reform. Duke Ernst, like Spener would forty years later, found fault at all levels of society, diagnosed it as a spiritual malady, the lack of an internalized Christianity, and called for reform of education and theological study, preaching for repentance, catechesis, and house-to-house visitation. Ernst the Pious decreed, for the first time, that each church in his lands had a copy of the Bible. He reformed education and inaugurated social welfare programs including provision for widows and orphans. He strengthened the judiciary and decreed laws to improve moral conditions.
Spener was the leader of Lutheran Pietism for thirty years, and under him the church experienced reform. Of primary importance was the establishment of a new ecclesiastical structure, the small group, through which this reform was accomplished. It is an astonishing thing that the inauguration Bible Study classes for adults and confirmation for youth were threatening, but this were new and challenging at the time. Of course, these were not the Bible Studies of present day, accountability of behavior was practiced, similar to the early Methodist class meetings, of which they were the forerunner. Pietism spread from town to town without a program or plan except for the formation of pietatis collegia, the reform of theological education, and the news that laity had a ministry, too. Morality changed in Germany, nobility "looked beyond the pleasures of the court," and the practical dimensions of Christianity and moral reform spread within commoners also. Gone was the chaos and immorality that marked not only post-war days, but the days preceding it which spurred Arndt to write True Christianity. Eventually, Spener's influence with the court of Brandenburg-Prussia and the highest levels of Church led to or surpassed many of the changes Spener envisioned in 1675.
Under Francke, what did not occur? At Leipzig in 1686, one year after earning a master's degree in philosophy and becoming a Privatdocent, a lecturer without faculty status, Francke, who paid his tuition by tutoring in Hebrew, along with Paul Anton (1661-1730), obtained approval from Johann Carpzov (1638-1699) to initiate a Collegium philobiblicum. In the beginning, to Spener's disappointment on a visit with Leipzig faculty in 1687, this group met for "scientific" study of Scripture. The character of the group was to change after Francke experienced conversion. Returning to university at Leipzig after a month's visit with Spener in Berlin, Francke, always talented at languages and now with an even lower appreciation of Aristotle, led enthusiastic classes of 300 students who attended to the neglect of the professors' courses, sold their books of philosophy and some even burned their notes. When townspeople began to attend and then form their own collegia, as Ward wrote, "They were undone by their success." The majority of Leipzig faculty, along with that of Wittenberg, had opposed his mentor Spener since discovering that Pia Desiderialed to opposition to the status quo, had enough. A faculty commission examined Francke and Anton, who were then expelled for attacking the Leipzig curriculum and involving townspeople in classes. Francke took a pastorate in Erfurt and was dismissed from there shortly, but Spener came to his rescue. Berlin appointed Francke as professor of Hebrew at the University of Halle, and helped the king accomplish his aim of turning the school into a new center of Lutheranism in Prussia. Francke accepted a call as well to the church at Glaucha, the "red-light district" outside the walls of Halle. The congregation needed rebuilding, and the indigent population had great needs, morally, educationally, physically. Both calls shaped Francke and his approach to attempt to reach the whole world through the whole person for Christ.
Recalling our methodology, Francke's years at Halle should be regarded as a case study as a Pietist pastor and educator. One day a week Francke received people in the parsonage to give out bread. He began as well to solicit funds from his visitors who were better off, placing a box for offerings in his living room. Realizing that he was only feeding many of the poor physically, Francke surprised everyone one day asking questions from the catechism before handing out the bread. This became a regular practice, teaching for half and hour before distribution of bread. He also began to give money to parents of poor children for school books, but learning that often the books went missing, he rented a building and began a school using students from Halle as teachers. He began an orphanage in one rented building and then another, as money came in. In a way that became a pattern for things to come, as he discerned the Lord blessing a work, Francke would often continue it by delegating to an aide, and pursue another venture. In this case, he decided to build a new building. The best example of how faith-prayer became Francke's modus operand of life is the example of the construction of the great orphanage.
We have a quote from Francke during the time of construction which illustrated his method of administering an expanding faith ministry. On a day when he was to pay the construction workers and did not have any funds, he reports,
Contemplating the clear heavens my heart was strengthened in faith (which I ascribe not to my powers, but purely to the grace of God, so that I thought to myself, ‘How glorious it is when one has nothing and can rely on nothing, but knows the living God who has created heaven and earth and puts his trust in him alone.’ At the end of that day, the paymaster came and asked, "Is anything coming?" The answer was no. Francke writes, ‘Hardly had I spoken a word when a student reported that he had brought thirty talers, who he would not name. I went back into the other room and asked how much was needed for the payment of the builders. He said, ‘Thirty talers.’ I said, ‘Here they are,' and asked if he needed more. He said, ‘No,' which then strengthened us both much in faith in that we recognized so evidently the wonderful hand of God.
By the year 1714, Francke's orphanage had over 2,000 resident students and 100 teachers. It was the largest building in Germany. Halle and its missions became a city in itself with hospital, residences for widows and elderly, laboratory for medicines, print shop for religious literature and Scripture, schools for the children of nobility, middle class and the poor, continuing education for the burghers who never received a real education, twenty-six schools in all. All of these became model institutions, effective on a scale hitherto unknown. For example, the Canstein Bible Society, the worlds' oldest, named after Pietist noble and lay theologian, Baron Carl Hildebrand von Canstein (1667-1719), printed 100,000 German Bibles and 80,000 New Testaments between 1712 and 1719. In comparison, Wittenberg, the former center of publishing, printed a combined 200,000 New Testament and Bibles between 1522 and 1626. By its centenary in 1812, the Canstein Bible Society had printed 2,000,000 Bibles and 1,000,000 New Testaments.
In the area of foreign missions, which was virtually unknown amongst Protestants from the early days of the Reformation, Francke instilled an urgency for the coming kingdom in virtually all the students and sent out some 60 men into foreign mission, and another 220 through his student, Nikolaus Ludwig Graf, count von Zinzendorf(1700-1760). Another student, Anton Wilhelm Boehm, became chaplain to Queen Anne's consort, and as presiding minister of the chapel of St. James built relationships with English divines for the Pietist cause. The first Protestants commissioned for the conversion of indigenous people, Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Pluetschau, were students at Halle when King Frederick IV of Denmark, whose chaplain was a Halle man, arranged for them to be ordained and sent to Tranquebar.
Francke was a forerunner in the use of media as well as Protestant missions. He began the first international newspaper for Germans, HallescheCorrespondenz, which was actually another first, a missions journal distributing accounts from the mission field to an interested public across Europe. This was followed by a biblical journal, Observationes biblicae, in which Francke published results of his efforts to make Luther's Bible more accurate, taking advantage of new manuscripts and advances in scholarship. Both of these raised income as well as providing publicity and means to solicit donations from afar. It must be emphasized that while much of the funding came from the German nobility and the king of Prussia, Francke engaged in raising money very creatively, he even traded in goods such as Hungarian wines and Russian furs, but these were all areas in which Halle aided emerging Protestant churches, missions or schools. Most of all, it must be understood that Francke did it throughout and thoroughly as a faith mission. Plans were made and work begun before the necessary finances were secured. It is not to be supposed that Francke accomplished all this through a knack for organization, rather it was the Pietists belief that "It is the same Holy Spirit who is bestowed on us by God who once effected all things in the early Christians, and he is neither less able nor less active today to accomplish the work of sanctification in us."
Halle under A. H. Francke became a center for church renewal and missionary activity, but in intriguing ways, ready when doors were opened, similar to Brother Andrews's smuggling Bibles behind the Iron Curtains, which in those days was Catholic Hapsburg. Space permits only for the story of the revival begun by children in Silesia.
Revival in Silesia
Silesia, a province east of Saxony, Bohemia and Moravia, an area currently at the border of the Czech Republic and Poland, was a Protestant land before the Peace of Westphalia. It was given over to the Hapsburgs, and only three churches were permitted for the Protestants, the so-called 'grace churches,' whose only other option for Word and sacraments was to travel to the churches on their western border. Collegia Pietatis, devised by Spener to augment devotional life in Germany, became the mainstay of Silesian Protestantism, enabling them to resist forcible catholicization by Jesuits. In an unexpected event, the brief campaign of 1701 which met little resistance, Charles XII of Sweden was able to negotiate the return of 120 churches to the Protestants in Silesia and the construction of six new grace churches on Hapsburg lands. During the occupation, Swedish Pietist soldiers introduced "camp meetings" and to the astonishment of all, when the troops moved on, children held their own, gathering for hymn-singing and prayer for a revival to accompany the return of the Protestant churches and schools. It spread across the country, and began to be called "the uprising of the children." Halle carried the news of this throughout Europe. Caspar Neumann's account being translated into English and distributed in pamphlet form,
"...country fellows and soldiers, looking on [the children's] devotion, were powerfully affected and moved, even to shed tears, many aged and grown people have been reclaimed; so that they resort no more to places of drinking & of vain diversion: shewing since that time several signs of a sincere reformation that the children of a whole country should rise, and shew their disobedience therein, that they will pray in spite of all opposition."
No one could have predicted the events to come. While Francke, like Spener, had been primarily working for reform of the church, this was revival of a nation. Buschprediger, field preaching, broke out, was put down by Hapsburg authority, and reemerged elsewhere. The movement was brought into the church under Neumann's leadership, beginning with the catechization of the children. The movement spread, and when the grace church at Teschen opened, it had 40,000 members, helped along by a considerable Protestant remnant in the surrounding hills, but also, Francke had been deeply concerned about Czech and Polish Protestants and had placed an ‘operative’ in Hungary, ostensibly a wine merchant but functioning also as an emissary for Halle and Prussia. Before a church building was erected, a house was built with cellars for the wine trade, a book shop, and store room on the ground floor, accommodations for three preachers on the second, and a seminary for nobles on the third. Halle used commerce, propaganda, and education to replant a church. The congregation, called the Jesus church, met in what was for a long time a large barn-like structure that would seat about 5,000 though 2,000-3,000 more would cram in.
The key figure, Johann Adam Steinmetz (1689-1762), of Lower Silesia, trained in his youth on True Christianity, studied at Leipzig where agonized between a career in academics or preaching, decided for academics but was press-ganged as a preacher after giving a preaching on Pentecost in his hometown, Brieg. He became a very accomplished revivalist and set up class-meetings and prayer-meetings. When the call committee, two nobles, came to inspect Steinmetz for Teschen, he was assured of getting the call when their innkeeper complained bitterly that he had no business since the new preacher came. Steinmetz became the German speaking pastor, and two Halle students were secured who could preach and catechize in Czech and Polish. On Sundays, confessions in German would begin at 6 AM. Great crowds would sing hymns until time for services in their tongue. The preachers had to work in rotation during the weeks and months also, dividing their time to one week in town leading prayer meetings and performing pastoral work,and the next week traveling out to the sick another riding out to support the other preachers. Revival, of course, spread to other towns.
This is an example of how the 'hope for better times' of the Pietists led to mission. Out of Teschen, Bibles, devotionals and field preachers were smuggled into Bohemia and Moravia. Francke's model of depending on the Lord for everything made his operation flexible, adapting to changing needs, supporting church reform and frontier revival in many lands.
More research is needed for Evangelical Lutheran churches which places a higher priority on being biblical and Confessional. The only Evangelical Lutheran Churches that are growing are in Africa and Asia, areas with a more charismatic understanding. In light of this paper's findings on the Pietists such as Arndt, Spener, and Francke, as well as questions raised by other current Luther research such as the Mannermaa School and the “Theology of the Heart” understanding of Bengt Hoffman, and the Lutheran Charismatic movement, there is an emerging understanding of the importance of an experiential understanding of Luther. If Pietists implemented a critique of the theology and ecclesiology of Lutheranism that accomplished a reformation of culture through a reformed Lutheran Church, perhaps the Pietists after all understood where God was trying to get Luther to go.
Pietism has not died out, though, like the Lutheran Charismatic Movement, it became more leaven than loaf, exerting such a wide influence that its practices became mainstream. It will probably live on most strongly through congregations around the world whose members will be completely unaware of the names of Francke, Spener and Arndt. We can certainly hope that future Lutheran theologians and historians rediscover the Pietists and write more examples of grace-based theology that have a passion for holiness and amendment of life.
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 F. Ernest Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1965); Dale W. Brown, Understanding Pietism, Revised Edition (Nappanee, IN: Evangel Publishing House, 1996), 86.; K. James Stein, Philipp Jakob Spener: Pietist Patriarch (Chicago: Covenant Press, 1986), 91, 175.
 This is not to say that these works were not used by other groups, but that this paper only concerns the Pietists whose desire was to reform the church and not break away from the church. Spener, whose Pia Desideria promoted small groups within congregations, worked to keep practitioners within the church as his chief aim was always to reform.
 The predominate understanding of Lutheranism is that Article IV of the Augsburg Confession is the "article by which the church stands or falls," and while Arndt, Spener, Francke or any of the churchly Pietists thought this was most certainly true, the article to which their hopes were also pinned were these words in Luther's Preface to Romans.
 Stein, Spener, 261.
 Charismatic Christianity as a Global Culture, ed. Karla Poewe, (Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 1994). Poewe sees German Pietism as a forerunner of Pentecostal/Charismatic Christianity. Her four terms for charismatic Christianity hold true as well for Pietism.
 Spener laid this eschatology out in Pia Desideria, Part II.
 Stein, Spener, 92.
 For the interrelations between Francke and the Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge, see Ernst Benz, "Ecumenical Relations between Boston Puritanism and German Pietism: Cotton Mather and August Hermann Francke," Harvard Theological Review, vol. 54, July 1981, 159-193. In the introduction of his talk, Benz relates discovering the huge volume of correspondence between Francke and other theologians around the world in boxes at Halle after WW II.
 Also, see W. R. Ward, The Protestant Evangelical Awakening (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 2.
 Kurt Aland, A History of Christianity, vol. 2, translated by James L. Schaaf (Fortress Press: Philadelphia, 1986), 234. One could argue against Aland that pentecostalism eclipsed Pietism in significance. One could also argue with Poewe that Pietism was a forerunner of pentecostalism, hence part of the same movement.
 Trygve R. Skarsten, "The Doctrine of Justification in Classical Lutheran Pietism: A Revisionist Perspective," Trinity Seminary Review, vol. 3, no. 2, Fall, 1981, 21.
 Carter Lindberg, The Third Reformation? Charismatic Movements and the Lutheran Tradition (Macon: Mercer University Press, 1983, 131.
 Paul Tillich, A History of Christian Thought, Second Edition, ed. Carl E. Braaten (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1968), 284. Not only is Pietism much less respected in the United States than in Europe, the paucity of publication on Pietism by Lutherans suggests an under-appreciation of a vital movement.
 Ward, Protestant Evangelical Awakening, 241
 Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, Revised Edition (Nappanee, IN: Evangel, 1996), 91.
 Michel Godfroid wrote, "To write the history of Pietism is to write the history of modern Protestantism." Quoted in Peter Erb, The Pietists (New York: Paulist Press, 1983), 1. SeeWard's Protestant Evangelical Awakening for insights into the significance of Francke's Halle Pietists for revivals in former Lutheran lands in central Europe on latter, more well-known revivals such as the Great Awakening, Methodism, and the Second Great Awakening.
 Frederick of Prussia, a Reformed ruler who used it as an alternate movement in his political machinations with Saxony and Sweden, two Lutheran Orthodox states, but he and others saw it as a way to bring basic improvements to the lives of their subjects. This is not to deny that there were circles of sincere Pietist nobles whose hearts burned in holy affections.
 See David Tracy, The Analogical Imagination: Christian Theology and the Culture of Pluralism (New York: Crossroad, 1981.
 F. Ernest Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism (Leiden: Brill, 1970); Dale Brown,Understanding Pietism, Revised Edition (Nappanee, IN: Evangel, 1996); Eric Lund, JohannArndt and the Development of a Lutheran Spiritual Tradition. (Yale, 1979) UMI; K. JamesStein, Philipp Jakob Spener: Pietist Patriarch (Chicago: Covenant Press, 1986).
 Pietism was never able to do so because of the controversy it engendered. At one time Spener was fielding the criticism of several seminaries theologians by himself. He and the other churchly Pietists not only fended off the criticisms, but also achieved their goal of bringing some reform to the whole church.
 See Stoeffler, Rise of Evangelical Pietism.
 See Stein, Spener, 187, 203.
 Augs. Con., art. xii
Solida declaratio, art. xi Tappert, T. G. The B(2000, c1959). Book of Concord: The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church. (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, (2000, c1959).
 Paul Tillich, History, 283-284.
 Twenty editions were published during Arndt's life and over 100 more before 1800; cf.Johann Arndt, True Christianity, trans. Peter Erb, The Classics of Western Spirituality (New York: Paulist Press, 1979), 5.
 Eric Lund, Johann Arndt and the Development of a Lutheran Spiritual Tradition, UMI,New Haven, Yale, 1979, 214-234. The theologian who attacked Arndt most viscously wasLucas Osiander II, his chief defenders was Heinrich Varenius. Johann Gerhard and JohannValentin Andrae were major Orthodox theologians who stressed the need for right belief, right practice, and right affections, appreciated Arndt, and thereby could be included in the Arndtian piety movement.
 Erb, The Pietists, introduction.
 Arndt, True Christianity, 29.
 Ibid, 37.
 Ibid, 31.
 Ibid, 37.
 Ibid, 37-38.
 Ibid, 38.
 Ibid, 39.
 Ibid, 38.
 Arndt, true Christianity, 24.
 Ibid, 46.
 Arndt, True Christianity, 45.
 Ibid, 47
 Ibid, 184.
 Ibid, 188.
 Ibid, 192.
 Ibid, 193.
 Ibid, 194.
 See Bengt Hoffman, Luther's Theology of the Heart (Minneapolis: Kirk House, 2003).
 Stein, Spener, 250.
 K. James Stein, Philipp Jakob Spener: Pietist Patriarch (Chicago: Covenant Press, 1986, 33-41.
 Stein, Spener, 49-51.
 Stein, Spener, 53.
 Ibid, 187.
 Phillip Jakob Spener, Pia Desideria (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1964) , 46.
 Ibid, 47.
 Ibid, 56.
 Ibid, 56.
 Ibid, 56.
 Ibid, 57.
 Ibid, 85.
 Ibid, 62.
 Jonathan Strom, Orthodoxy and Reform: The Clergy in Seventeenth Century Rostock(Tubigen: Mohr Siebeck, 1999), 91.
 Spener, Pia Desideria, 63.
 Ibid, 64.
 Luther, LW 35, 370 cited in Spener, Pia Desideria, 65.
 Theodore G. Tappert, "Introduction," Pia Desideria, p.27.
 Spener, Pia Desideria, 66.
 Ibid, 63.
 Stein, Spener, 196.
 Spener, Pia Desideria, 67.
 Ibid, 65.
Martin Luther, LW 26, 248.
 W. R. Ward, Christianity under the Ancien Regime, 1648-1789 (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1999.
 Baird Tipson, "How Can the Religious Experience of the Past Be Recovered: the Examples of Puritanism and Pietism," The Journal of the American Academy of Religion, vol. 43, 4, D, 1975, 695-707, p. 702.
 A.H. Francke, "Autobiography" in Pietists, 102.
 Luther, LW 35, 369.
 Spener, Pia Desideria, 46.
 Philipp Jakob Spener, "Whether Everyone Ought to Know the Hour of His or her Conversion," in Documents from the History of Lutheranism, 1517-1750, ed. Eric Lund(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002), 285.
 Gary Sattler, God's Glory and Neighbor's Good (Chicago: Covenant Press, 1982), 243.
 Ibid, 244.
 Ibid, 246-247.
 Ibid, 247.
 Ibid, 252-253.
 A. H. Francke, "On Christian Perfection," in The Pietists, ed. Peter Erb (New York: Paulist, 1983), 114.
 Ibid, 115.
 Ibid, 116.
 Ward, Ancien Regime, 73.
 Stein, Spener, 270.
 Ward, Ancien Regime, 77
.A. H. Francke, Fussstapfen, Ch. II, 38-39, in Sattler, God's Glory, 67- 68.
 Aland, History, 264.
 Gustav Warneck, Outline of a History of Protestant Missions from the Reformation to the Present, Third English Edition (New York: Fleming Revell Company, 1906), 8-24. For the Reformation's first 180 years, the common assumption was that the apostles had fulfilled the Great Commission by going to all lands and preaching the gospel, i.e., Thomas went to Indiaso there was no need to send missionaries there. Pietists, however, with their emphasis, believed all people need to be converted, therefore, Indians do, too.
 Aland, History, 265.
 Ziegenbalg and Pluetschau were preceded by Dutch Reformed Church ministers Abraham Rogerius and Phillipus Baldeus, but both were first chaplains to the employees of the Dutch East India Company, and Rogerius' approach to the Tamil was "to study rather than convert", and Baldeus "worked vigorously to turn the Tamil-speaking Catholics of the Jaffna kingdom into Protestants." Cf D. Dennis Hudson, Protestant Origins in India (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000)
 Spener, Pia Desideria, 85.
 The accounts of the Pietist missionaries given by W. R. Ward are the only stories of pre-Great Awakening revivals in Central Europe available in English.
 Praise out of the Mouths of Babes and Sucklings (London, 1708) 21-22, 28-30; UN 1709 369-370, in W. R. Ward, The Protestant Evangelical Awakening (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 72.
 Ward, Protestant Awakening, 67-77.
 Tillich, Christian Thought, 284.
 Luther, LW 34, 337.
 Luther, LW 35, 369.
 Augustine, Confessions, VIII, vii, 18.
 Ibid, 28-30.
 A.H. Francke, Autobiography in Pietists, 105.
 See James Dunn, Jesus and the Spirit (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1975).
 Lindberg, Third Reformation, 173-174.
 Ibid, 174.
 Cited in Stein, Spener, 157.
 Lindberg, Third Reformation, 177.
 Tillich, A History of Christian Thought, 230 cited in Stein, Spener, 261.
 Lindberg, Third Reformation, 175.
 Stein, Spener, 178.
 Brown, Pietism, 86.
 Ibid, 99.
 The major motif of Clark Pinnock's Flame of Love is the believer's participation in the life of God.
 Arndt, True Christianity, 45.
 Ibid, 46.
 See Welcome, Holy Spirit: a Study of the Charismatic Renewal in the Church, ed. Larry Christiansen, (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1987 and the dissertation which studies it, Markku Antola, The Experience of Christ's Real Presence in Faith: An Analysis on the Christ-presence-motif in the Lutheran Charismatic Renewal (Helsinki: Yplisto), 1999. See also Carter Lindberg, The Third Reformation? Charismatic Movements and the Lutheran Tradition (Macon: Mercer University Press, 1983. It is rare enough for a scholar of the stature of Lindberg to study the charismatic movement, but this is one of the few book length treatments to place the charismatic movement within the controversy between Enthusiasm and Luther.